America must now apologise to the German citizen, a
victim of mistaken identity who was kidnapped and beaten
by the CIA
By Amrit Singh
December 13, 2012 "The Guardian" -- The much-maligned European court of human rights has this week shown itself at its very best: standing up for the rights of an individual who has been denied justice for almost nine years since he was abducted, secretly detained, and tortured under the CIA's rendition program.
By Amrit Singh
December 13, 2012 "The Guardian" -- The much-maligned European court of human rights has this week shown itself at its very best: standing up for the rights of an individual who has been denied justice for almost nine years since he was abducted, secretly detained, and tortured under the CIA's rendition program.
Khaled El-Masri, a German national, was
seized by Macedonian security officers on 31 December
2003, at a border crossing,
because he had been mistaken for an
al-Qaida suspect. He was held incommunicado and
abused in Macedonian custody for 23 days, after which he
was handcuffed, blindfolded, and driven to Skopje
airport, where he was handed over to the CIA and
severely beaten.
The CIA stripped, hooded, shackled, and sodomized el-Masri
with a suppository – in CIA parlance, subjected him to
"capture shock" – as Macedonian officials stood by. The
CIA drugged him and flew him to Kabul to be locked up in
a secret prison known as the "Salt Pit", where he was
slammed into walls, kicked, beaten, and subjected to
other forms of abuse. Held at the Salt Pit for four
months, el-Masri was never charged, brought before a
judge, or given access to his family or German
government representatives.
The CIA ultimately realised that it had mistaken el-Masri
for an al-Qaida suspect with a similar name. But it held
on to him for weeks after that. It was not until 24 May
2004, that he was flown, blindfolded, earmuffed, and
chained to his seat, to Albania, where he was dumped on
the side of the road without explanation.
In
December 2005, German Chancellor
Angela Merkel told a press conference – while then
Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice stood by her side – that the
United States had admitted it had made a mistake.
But the US government still refused to acknowledge its
shameful conduct in el-Masri's case and waged a
successful campaign to prevent other governments from
disclosing the truth.
El-Masri's subsequent search for justice has repeatedly
been thwarted. The United States succeeded in getting
el-Masri's US lawsuit dismissed on "state secrets"
grounds without even responding to his allegations; in
2007, the
US supreme court declined to review that dismissal.
The Macedonian government resorted to bald-faced lies,
claiming that it played no role in his detention or
abuse, despite overwhelming evidence confirming his
account. The German government refused to disclose what
it knew about el-Masri's case, and apparently caved to
US pressure not to seek extradition of CIA officials
involved in el-Masri's rendition.
Today, the
European court of human rights delivered a measure
of justice to el-Masri. It vindicated his account of his
ill-treatment, and unanimously found that
Macedonia had violated his rights under the European
Convention, including by transferring him to US custody
in the face of a risk of ill-treatment, and facilitating
and failing to prevent his being subjected to CIA
"capture shock" at Skopje airport.
This is the first court to comprehensively and
specifically find that the CIA's rendition techniques
amounted to
torture. The decision stands in sharp contrast to
the abject failure of US courts to deliver justice to
victims of US torture and rendition.
Both the United States and Macedonia must now issue el-Masri
a full-scale public apology and appropriate
compensation. Macedonia should also commit to an
internationalized investigation capable of holding its
officials accountable. There are plenty of examples of
such inquiries into national issues that are too
politically charged to handle unaided: Northern
Ireland's 1997 Independent International Commission on
Decommissioning (IICD) included members from Canada, the
United States, and Finland.
But Europe's work is not over yet. Macedonia was not the
only European country complicit in CIA renditions. A
2006 inquiry by Swiss Senator Dick Marty implicated 14
European governments – including the United Kingdom – in
the CIA's "spider's web" of rendition operations. But
with the exception of Italy, whose highest court
recently upheld the convictions of US and Italian
officials for involvement in rendition, neither the UK
nor other complicit countries – including Lithuania,
Romania, and Poland, which hosted secret CIA prisons –
have conducted effective investigations capable of
holding officials accountable for their participation in
rendition.
The
human rights principles at stake extend to the use
of the death penalty. European governments are
prohibited from transferring criminal suspects to the
United States if they risk execution; yet
Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, a Saudi national, was
secretly flown to
Guantánamo Bay after being held in secret CIA
prisons in Romania and Poland. He now faces a possible
death sentence after a trial by military commission that
does not meet international standards.
The European court's decision in the el-Masri case is a
clarion call for accountability for the flagrantly
illegal CIA rendition program.
The time has come for European governments to stand up
to the United States and break the conspiracy of
silence, regardless of the diplomatic consequences. As
former Human Rights Commissioner for the Council of
Europe,
Thomas Hammerberg, rightly said on the occasion of
the tenth anniversary of the 11 September attacks:
"The purported cost to transatlantic relations of pursuing such accountability cannot be compared to the damage inflicted on our European system of human rights protection by allowing ourselves to be kept in the dark."
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